Memory, Culture, and Society
Atena Editora, May 31, 2021.
DOI: 10.22533/at.ed.34021310518
ISBN: 978-65-5983-134-0
The Process of Local Integration of Refugees through Labor Market Inclusion: A Study Based on the Experience of the State of Pernambuco
Authors: Álvaro Luiz da Silva Santos & Thalita Franciely de Melo Silva
Chapter 18, Pages: 216-234
This article examines the local integration of refugees in the state of Pernambuco through labor market inclusion. The state has seen a significant increase in the number of refugees due to the interiorization strategy of Operation Acolhida, launched by the Federal Government in response to the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. This initiative has led migrants and refugees to voluntarily relocate with the goal of achieving socioeconomic inclusion. The study employs a basic, exploratory, and qualitative methodology, using bibliographic research and semi-structured interviews with local organizations and institutions. It contributes to societal reflection on the need for public policies to ensure long-term local integration through employment, thereby promoting the self-sufficiency of refugees and their families.
INITIAL CONSIDERATIONS
Forced displacement is one of the most visible and complex challenges in the international scenario. This is because not only the individual is affected—being forced to leave their place of origin—but also the countries of origin and destination, which are required to create public policies for the reception and integration of these people into society.
A refugee, as defined by the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, expanded by the 1967 Additional Protocol, is someone who has had to flee their country of origin due to a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion, and is unable or unwilling to seek protection from the country of origin. According to data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2020), by the end of 2019, 79.5 million people had been forcibly displaced, with 264,000 of them heading to Brazil. Of these, 43,000 were recognized as refugees by the Federal Government in 2019 (Conare, 2019a, 2020a; Cáritas, 2020c).
This high number is also a result of the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, which led many individuals to seek refuge in other countries, with Brazil being the fifth most chosen destination. To ensure humanitarian assistance, the Federal Government created the "Operação Acolhida" (Operation Welcome) in 2018, which includes the "Programa de Interiorização" (Program for Interiorization), facilitating the voluntary relocation of refugees from Roraima to other states in Brazil with the goal of socio-economic inclusion.
The state of Pernambuco has been receiving Venezuelans in recent years, which required government authorities to develop more effective public policies to accommodate these people. As a mechanism for local integration, work is essential for refugees to socialize and regain professional skills to support themselves.
This article addresses the local integration of refugees in the state of Pernambuco, focusing on their inclusion in the job market. The choice of this topic arises from the need to understand the actions being developed in the aforementioned state to highlight the public policies created to assist refugees, particularly Venezuelans.
Regarding the methodology, although some statistical data is presented, this is a qualitative study, aiming to understand, describe, and sensitively explain how refugees are positioned in the job market in Pernambuco based on existing reception policies. Additionally, this research is exploratory and based on bibliographic procedures, using books, theses, legal doctrines, laws, and international conventions. Complementary semi-structured interviews were conducted with local government, businesses, and non-governmental institutions working on refugee issues, specifically in the area of labor market integration (Prodanov; Freitas, 2013).
Thus, this article is structured into four sections: the first addresses the role of refugees in international relations, with a focus on the post-World War II period, when they became legal subjects; the second covers the protection of refugees in Brazil, focusing on the creation of the Refugee Law No. 9,474/2017 and refugee requests made to CONARE; the third deals with aspects of local integration, highlighting labor market insertion as a durable solution according to UNHCR; and finally, the actors involved and public policies developed by the state of Pernambuco to facilitate refugee inclusion in the labor market are presented.
REFUGEES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
International migration is currently an important part of state agendas due to its significant impact on both the country of origin and the destination. According to the International Organization for Migration (2009), it refers to the movement of people who leave their usual residence to settle permanently or temporarily in another country, involving the crossing of international borders.
People may migrate voluntarily or forcibly. The first occurs when there is no element of coercion that forces an individual to move, as in cases of study or work mobility. The latter is characterized by elements that threaten an individual's life or survival, whether due to natural or human causes, such as in situations of disasters, wars, famine, and persecution (OIM, 2009). An example of forced migration are refugees – the subject of analysis in this research – who only gained legal status in the international arena in the 20th century, when states recognized it as a common problem after World War II (1939-1945).
The perception of this issue was gradual, especially between the 19th and 20th centuries – a period marked by the dissolution of the former empires in Eastern Europe and the Balkans and the onset of World War I (1914-1918) – when the number of refugees increased considerably. It is estimated that in the Russian territories alone, around 1 to 2 million people left their lands due to the various consequences of the First World War and sought refuge in several countries in Europe, Central Asia, and the East (Jaeger, 2001).
With the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Civil War, refugees lacked protection or official assistance from governments, relying solely on humanitarian aid from charitable institutions. As a result, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the League of Red Cross Societies convened a conference on February 16, 1921, to appoint a High Commissioner to define the Refugee Status. On September 1, 1921, Dr. Fridtjof Nansen agreed to lead the commission, remaining in office until 1924 (Jaeger, 2001).
According to Silva (2014), during the League of Nations (LDN) period (1919-1946), several institutions were created to carry out the tasks of the High Commission for Refugees, such as: the International Nansen Office for Refugees (1931-1938), the German High Commissioner Office for Refugees (1933-1938), the League of Nations High Commissioner Office for Refugees (1939-1946), and the Intergovernmental Committee for Refugees (1938-1947).
These institutions contributed to the legal recognition of the need for refugee protection under the LDN framework. Among other activities, the reorganization of displacement was highlighted, resulting in the repatriation process (the personal right of a refugee to return to their country of nationality under specific conditions) (OIM, 2009); the instruction to governments of countries hosting refugees; and the search for a greater number of states adhering to repatriation (Goodwin-Gill, 2014).
Another important milestone in refugee protection was the creation of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees (IGCR) in 1938, which aimed to encourage states to assume legal obligations such as good working conditions, legal documents, social assistance, and education (Jaeger, 2001). The activities of the IGCR were terminated on July 30, 1947, after it was integrated into the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) and lost financial support from the international community (Silva, 2014).
It is important to note that none of the institutions mentioned earlier succeeded in establishing refugees as legal subjects, which only occurred after institutional changes following World War II with the creation of the United Nations (UN) (Andrade, 2006). In response to this issue, on December 15, 1946, the UN created the International Refugee Organization (IRO), initially with the goal of resettling thousands of people through governmental assistance such as individual support and employment (Goodwin-Gill, 2014). The IRO remained active until 1949, when it was replaced by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 1949, starting its activities in early 1951.
The UNHCR Statute, approved on December 14, 1950, as highlighted in Article 8, ensures the protection of all refugees under its mandate:
a) Promoting the conclusion and ratification of international conventions for the protection of refugees, ensuring their implementation, and proposing amendments to them;
b) Promoting, through special agreements with governments, the implementation of all measures aimed at improving the situation of refugees and reducing the number of those requiring protection;
c) Supporting governments and individuals in their efforts to promote the voluntary repatriation of refugees or their integration into new national communities [...]
It also establishes a close relationship with governments, requiring them to report the number of refugees in their territories, as well as the laws and regulations concerning them. Moreover, the UNHCR seeks cooperation with private and non-governmental institutions that address and can contribute to refugee welfare.
The UNHCR played a crucial role in creating the 1951 Refugee Status Convention (1951 Convention) – the main instrument for international protection. States recognized the refugee issue as a humanitarian and social obligation, understanding that its resolution would prevent potential tensions in the international community. Article 1, paragraph 2 of the aforementioned convention states that refugees are those who:
[...] as a result of events occurring before January 1, 1951, and fearing persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, social group, or political opinions, are outside the country of their nationality and cannot, or due to such fear, do not want to avail themselves of the protection of that country, or who, being stateless and outside the country in which they had their habitual residence as a result of such events, cannot, or due to such fear, do not want to return to it.
One of the most important principles of the 1951 Convention is the principle of non-refoulement (non-rejection), found in Articles 32 and 33, which states that “no contracting state shall expel or return in any manner a refugee to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened [...]”. This principle is considered absolute and without exception, becoming a rule of international law and the foundation for the protection of refugees' rights (Goodwin-Gill, 2014).
The 1951 Convention allowed the definition of who could be considered a refugee and clarified the legal obligations of states regarding the extent of their responsibilities. However, two significant obstacles to refugee protection remained: the geographical limitation, where the context in which refugees were involved referred only to social transformations in Europe; and the temporal limitation, which was valid only for events that occurred before January 1, 1951. In this context, an Additional Protocol to the 1951 Refugee Status Convention was drafted in 1967, which expanded the scope of the definition by removing the aforementioned limitations.
It is noteworthy that the Latin American reality demanded that these instruments be expanded to address the regional specificities of refugees. Between the 1960s and 1980s, forced displacement in the region was primarily due to dictatorships in several states (Silva, 2014). In this scenario, the Organization of American States (OAS) was unable to provide an adequate response to the crises unfolding in the region. For example, in 1959, there was a large exodus of Cubans and thousands of individuals from Bolivia, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Paraguay due to dictatorial regimes and armed violence (Leomil et al., 2019).
This context led to the creation of the Cartagena Declaration in 1984, the result of a meeting of governments from ten Latin American countries in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia (Barreto; Leão, 2010). This declaration expanded the definition of a refugee beyond the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol, as outlined in Conclusion 3, paragraph 3:
[...] also consider as refugees those who have fled their countries because their life, security, or freedom has been threatened by widespread violence, foreign aggression, internal conflicts, massive violations of human rights, or other circumstances that have seriously disturbed public order.
The importance of the Declaration was also highlighted, according to Leomil et al. (2019), by affirming its peaceful, apolitical, and humanitarian nature, reinforcing the principle of non-refoulement, ensuring the reliability of international instruments, and promoting the convergence and complementarity of human rights laws. This was reflected in the willingness and coordination of an entire subcontinent, ensuring a common response that satisfied the principles of humanitarian protection. Additionally, it emphasized the importance of international community collaboration through regional responsibility, addressing an open and inclusive issue.
The potential for providing support to those who lost the protection of their countries was significantly expanded, allowing for more appropriate treatment of recent issues, such as those that occurred in Latin America (Tarantini, 2006). Despite the non-binding nature of the Cartagena Declaration of 1984, its expanded definition of refugees was incorporated into the legal frameworks of several Latin American countries, including Brazil, through Law No. 9,474/97, aligning it with international policies.
THE REFUGE IN BRAZIL
Brazil adhered to the 1951 Convention in 1960, maintaining the geographical limitation that allowed only European refugees to be accepted. In addition, it also disregarded Article 15, which referred to the right to join unions and non-profit institutions, as well as Article 17, which concerned the right to paid employment and any legal benefit or guarantee regarding employability. The recognition of these articles only occurred in 1972 when Brazil adhered to the 1967 Additional Protocol, although it still maintained the geographical limitation (Jubilut, 2007).
The UNHCR established itself in Brazil in 1977, in Rio de Janeiro, due to the breakdown of democracy in Latin America. Its work was limited to resettlement activities (the transfer of refugees from one host country to another state that agreed to admit them and ultimately grant them permanent settlement) for those who were not from Europe. Andrade and Marcolini (2002) emphasize that Brazil was also under military dictatorship at the time, and thus, it avoided accepting people who might oppose the regime.
The refugees arriving in the country received support from human rights institutions, such as Cáritas Arquidiocesana do Rio de Janeiro, Cáritas Arquidiocesana de São Paulo, and the Pontifical Commission for Justice and Peace (Barreto et al., 2010). The first two carried out activities to welcome refugees, creating protection mechanisms for them, while the latter legalized the humanitarian work done by the Catholic Church, especially with social projects for refugees.
The geographical limitation was only abolished in 1989 by Decree No. 98,602, at which point the 1984 Cartagena Declaration was incorporated without any reservations. This allowed the reception of refugees regardless of their origin and established a procedural dynamic for applying for and granting asylum (Tarantini, 2016).
With the start of the democratization process in Brazil, the Ministry of Justice published an interministerial ordinance No. 394 in 1991, which expanded the protection rights for refugees and defined the admission standards under UNHCR protection. This ordinance, according to Article 3, also allowed the right to work, which had previously been denied under the restrictions of Articles 15 and 17 of the 1951 Convention. Due to these restrictions, the number of refugees in Brazil remained small. For example, in 1992, 1,200 Angolans fleeing the civil war in their country, along with people from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, and the former Yugoslavia, sought protection in Brazil (Barreto et al., 2010).
Brazil needed the protection mechanisms of the 1951 Convention, extended by the 1967 Additional Protocol, to be internalized. Thus, an articulation occurred between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Labor, Health, and Education, together with the UNHCR (representing the United Nations) and Cáritas (representing civil society), which led to the creation of the Refugee Law No. 9,474, on July 22, 1997.
This Law is one of the most comprehensive in the world for protecting refugees, as it encompasses all the provisions of the 1951 Convention, the 1967 Additional Protocol, and the 1984 Cartagena Declaration. Title I, Article 1, defines a refugee as someone who:
I - due to well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, social group, or political opinions, is outside their country of nationality and is unable or unwilling to seek the protection of that country;
II - lacking nationality and being outside the country where they previously had habitual residence, is unable or unwilling to return to it due to the circumstances described in the previous item;
III - due to serious and widespread violations of human rights, is forced to leave their country of nationality to seek refuge in another country.
The remaining provisions set out the definitions of a refugee in Brazil, the procedures for requesting asylum, the directions regarding the application or non-application of refugee status (including its loss), rights and obligations, durable solutions under the UNHCR, the relationship of the law with other legal instruments of protection, and more.
It was established in Law No. 9,474/1997 that the Union is the entity responsible for welcoming and protecting refugees, excluding States and Municipalities from this responsibility, although there is nothing preventing them from also acting in this regard (Andrade, 2006). The formal asylum request must be made at a Federal Police post, which temporarily regularizes the refugee’s stay in Brazil (UNHCR, 2010). Once the asylum request is made, according to Law No. 9,474/97, a protocol is issued for the issuance of the Provisional National Migration Registration Document (DPRNM), which allows the enjoyment of the rights in Brazil that are protected by the Migration Law No. 13,445, of May 24, 2017.
Decree No. 9,277, dated February 5, 2018, complements Law No. 13,445/17, specifying and ensuring: the issuance of a provisional Work and Social Security Card for the exercise of paid activities in the country; the opening of a bank account in a national financial institution; registration in the Individual Taxpayer Register (CPF); access to the guarantees and protective mechanisms for social inclusion stemming from the Refugee Status Convention; and access to public services, especially those related to education, health, social security, and social assistance (Brazil, 2018a).
Data from CONARE (2020b) indicate that in 2019, there were 43,000 people recognized as refugees in Brazil. Regarding nationality, by May 2019, most were from Syria (36.2%), followed by the Democratic Republic of Congo (15.1%), Angola (8.5%), Colombia (7.2%), and Venezuela (3.1%). The remaining 29.9% were from 75 other nationalities and stateless individuals. According to CONARE (2020a), between 2017 and 2019, there were 198,051 asylum requests in Brazil, with 155,763 still active, awaiting a final decision. The largest number of requests, 134,363, were from Venezuelans (91,180 active).
Of the finalized decisions in the same period, 23,217 (54.9%) had a substantive resolution, recognizing the applicant as a refugee; 7,173 (17.0%) were denied; 11,827 (28.0%) were closed for reasons such as the applicant's own request, travel outside the country without notifying CONARE, lack of evidence or insufficient information, failure to update personal data, and other reasons preventing the progress of the process according to the rules and guidelines; and 47 (0.1%) were decisions related to the loss of refugee status (CONARE, 2020b).
The specific demographic for these requests is primarily male, representing 25,793 (61.0%) of the requests, with 16,495 (39.0%) female. Regarding age groups: 428 (1.0%) were children under 4 years old; 994 (2.3%) were children between 5 and 11 years old; 712 (1.8%) were between 12 and 17 years old; 16,484 (39.0%) were young adults aged 18-29; 22,670 (53.6%) were adults aged 30-59, and 1,000 (2.3%) requests were from elderly individuals aged 60 and above (CONARE, 2020b).
In June 2018, Brazil recognized for the first time the expanded refugee definition of the 1984 Cartagena Declaration, that is, the grave and widespread violation of human rights due to the socioeconomic and political crisis in Venezuela. This recognition allowed for a simplification in the judgment of requests, enabling faster processing of applications (CONARE, 2019a).
From the moment the asylum is requested, integration into the place where the individual intends to settle is essential. Self-sufficiency is not possible without an active role of society in addressing and meeting the needs of such a diverse population. Work is crucial for local integration, as it not only allows for restructuring but also helps recover skills developed in the person's life, grants autonomy and freedom, improves language, preserves and attributes new contexts to their identity, and contributes to the maintenance of the host country's economy (Costa, 2006; Tarantini, 2016).
THE LOCAL INTEGRATION PROCESS OF REFUGEES
The 1951 Convention and the 1967 Additional Protocol establish the principle of local integration as an international right. Its importance is based on the idea that the refugee must be integrated into society, becoming an active member through assimilation and naturalization. Article 34 of this Convention states: "The Contracting States shall facilitate, as far as possible, the assimilation and naturalization of refugees. They shall endeavor, in particular, to expedite the naturalization process and to reduce, as far as possible, the fees and expenses of that process."
The term assimilation was rejected by the international community, as its use would lead to a misunderstanding of the refugee's integration into the host country. In this sense, it would be expected that the refugee adapt to the host country, abandoning their culture, customs, language, and way of life, seeking to resemble the host community (Moreira, 2014). Therefore, UNHCR began to promote the use of the term local integration, understanding it as the process of adaptation to changes in values, norms, and behaviors, so that the refugee and the local community can live together in an acceptable way.
The UNHCR has established three durable solutions, which are present in Law No. 9,474/97, in Title VII, namely: voluntary repatriation, resettlement, and local integration. Voluntary repatriation is characterized by the personal right of a refugee to return to their country of nationality under specific conditions. Resettlement refers to the transfer of refugees from a host country to another state that has agreed to admit them and, ultimately, grant them permanent settlement.
Local integration refers to the process of welcoming the refugee in the host country, which involves legal, economic, social, and cultural dimensions. The IOM (2009, p. 34) defines integration as the "process through which the immigrant is accepted into society, both as an individual and as a member of a group."
The 1984 Cartagena Declaration reinforces that states must internalize the provisions of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Additional Protocol, recommending in its Topic II: "the strengthening of protection and assistance programs for refugees, especially in health, education, employment, and security; the establishment of programs and projects aimed at the self-sufficiency of refugees"; and that the governments of the region make the necessary efforts to eradicate the causes that lead to the refugee problem.
As it is a complex process, there must be balance and cooperation among all actors for it to become an effective and lasting process for as long as necessary. For the refugee, the goal is to adapt without having to renounce their own culture, and for the host country, society, institutions, and government must facilitate and offer the minimum necessary conditions for resettlement (Baeninger; Moreira, 2010). In the local integration process, it is essential that the refugee's right to work is guaranteed by the host country. The 1951 Convention establishes in Article 17, "the most favorable treatment given, under the same circumstances, to nationals of a foreign country with regard to the exercise of a salaried professional activity." Article 24 guarantees the refugee the same treatment as national citizens with regard to work and social security rights.
The right to work is interdependent and indivisible from many other rights, such as full physical and mental health. Furthermore, recent studies highlight the benefits when local integration, through this right, is well developed. Fielden (2008) notes that refugees contribute economically and budgetarily to the host country in the development of underdeveloped areas. Additionally, in the long term, improving the country's infrastructure with roads, schools, and hospitals funded by international institutions, which are permanent for the use of both refugees and local residents.
In this regard, Asylum Access (2014) highlighted several economic factors in favor of the right to work for refugees, including: 1) the possibility of self-employed refugees creating jobs by being self-sufficient (dependence on legal processes for diploma validation); 2) salary depression, when local residents work for lower wages to compete with refugees; 3) increased cross-border trade, with the importation of foreign goods to meet the demands of refugees; and 4) loss of tax revenue, as denied labor rights make it impossible to pay taxes to contribute to public services.
On the other hand, although the 1951 Convention establishes obligations for host countries regarding the right to work for refugees, in practice, few countries have addressed this issue (UNHCR, 2006). According to Tarantini (2016, p. 26), the UNHCR reports that of 214 countries consulted about internal laws allowing work, only 37% comply with international standards regarding the right to work.
Asylum Access (2014) asserts that the greatest barriers to guaranteeing the right to work for refugees are: the lack of an internal law committed to access to work; the lack of knowledge of the local language; the culture of the host country; general discrimination, such as xenophobia; the lack of specific internal processes and legislation for refugees; the denial of justice, which prevents recourse in cases of mistreatment and exploitation; bureaucratic barriers, such as high fees and complex paperwork that hinder the legalization of refugees; lack of access to education and training courses; and lack of information about employment opportunities and labor rights.
When work is not enabled as a right in the local integration process, refugees are more likely to experience conflicts with the local community, causing tensions and frustrations in the process of rebuilding their lives (UNHCR, 2006). In some communities in Brazil, the participation of refugees in social programs such as Bolsa Família and other specific social policies is a source of hostile reactions from the local population (Baeninger; Moreira, 2010).
Fielden (2008) also highlights that there are real perceptible factors that make governments and local residents hesitant about receiving refugees. Issues involving the use of natural resources, competition for land and jobs, and the pressure on public services such as schools, roads, and hospitals, make integration occur in an unmonitored way, sometimes without institutional and material help.
Baeninger and Moreira (2010) point out that lack of employment, housing, and discrimination are the main obstacles to integration. Working conditions and offered wages are generally unsatisfactory, with many working in informal jobs. Moreover, difficulties in accessing public services such as health and housing, as well as discrimination by local populations who confuse them with fugitives from justice, make it even harder for refugees to enter the labor market.
In Brazil, UNHCR, the Federal Government, and Cáritas have sought support and partnerships for refugee access to the labor market. Together, they provide language training, professional training, medical and dental care, among other services. In Brazil alone, there are about 100 local organizations involved that assist and support refugees from Latin America (Baeninger; Moreira, 2010).
A survey conducted by UNHCR and the Sérgio Vieira de Mello Chairs (2019d) revealed that of the 487 refugees interviewed: 57.5% reported being employed; 19.5% were looking for a job (a higher rate than the Brazilian national average); 8.62% were students, 5.75% unemployed (neither working nor looking for a job); 5.34% were involved in domestic tasks; 0.62% were retired or pensioners; and 2.67% were entrepreneurs, earning from friends or family, among others.
In this scenario, Costa (2006) makes several recommendations for improving labor policies in Brazil, including the enhancement and consistency of these actions between the government and institutions. Thus, factors that enable inclusion in the labor market contribute to the successful development of local integration. In recent years, the phenomenon of forced migration has taken on new dynamics, such as the crisis in Venezuela, which has contributed to an increase in asylum requests throughout Brazil, with the state of Pernambuco being affected by these changes.
THE REFUGEE IN THE LABOR MARKET OF PERNAMBUCO
In 2018, Brazil, through Decree No. 9,285 of February 15, 2018, recognized the serious human rights violations in Venezuela, simplifying asylum requests and implementing action plans to welcome these individuals (Brazil, 2018b). In a technical note issued in the process No. 08018.001832/2018-0 by CONARE, the high number of violent incidents and the number of victims in Venezuela were addressed (Brazil, 2019).
With the arrival of Venezuelans in Brazil, the "Operation Welcome" was implemented in 2019, regulated by Decree No. 9,970/2019 in response to the humanitarian crisis. The Federal Committee of Emergency Assistance sought the internal relocation of refugees in the country through the Humanitarian Logistics Task Force (FTLOG), which, through partnerships with airlines operating in Brazil, made free seats available, as well as with other agencies and organizations such as the UN, civil society, religious institutions, private initiative, States, and Municipalities, for the assistance, monitoring, and reception of asylum seekers (Brazil, 2020a).
Through the internal relocation process, many Venezuelans were sent to the state of Pernambuco, starting a relatively new process in the state, which required specific strategies and public policies from the government to attend to this group. Local histories show that the first refugees arrived in the state on July 3, 2018, when 114 people arrived in Recife. Between 2018 and 2019, a total of 343 migrants entered Pernambuco, contributing to the increase in asylum requests in the state (Pernambuco, 2020b).
One important process in the state was the creation of the Committee for the Rights of Refugees, Migrants, and Stateless Persons (COMIGRAR-PE), which serves as a dialogue space with the integration of various local bodies and institutions to create strategies for the reception of refugees. The activities, action plans, and projects developed are still under development. Its main goal is to strengthen the network work of public and private entities for the promotion and defense of the rights of refugees, migrants, and stateless persons (Recife, 2020).
Between 2004 and 2016, the number of people who applied for asylum in the state of Pernambuco was 61, and between 2017 and 2019, it was 221 requests (Conare, 2020a). By the end of 2019, 64 requests had been concluded, granting refugee status to 9 people (14.1%) and denying it to 3 others (4.7%). The other decisions were regarding case closures for various regulated reasons, with half of the decisions made for Venezuelans, with 32 asylum requests concluded (50.0%), followed by 21 Cubans (32.8%) and 6 other nationalities making up the decisions (Conare, 2020b).
According to Wilma Sousa, Technical Supervisor of the High Complexity Social Protection Management at the Secretariat of Social Development, Children, and Youth (SDSCJ) of the Government of the State of Pernambuco, in response to an interview conducted by email on November 18, 2020, the state government attended to 365 refugees, all Venezuelans, between 2015 and 2019. Of these, 68 were welcomed in Recife (under the care of Cáritas Recife), 158 were sent to Igarassu (under the care of Aldeias Infantis SOS), and the other 139 were sent to Carpina (under the care of the Missionary Action for Inhospitable Areas - AMAI), all assisted by the State Government and other institutions aligned with Operation Welcome (Pernambuco, 2020b).
The Executive Secretariat of Social Assistance (SEASS) of the State Government aims to regularize the refugees' documents and provide support in the local integration process. Thus, it is responsible for providing assistance in healthcare, school enrollment for children, and strategies for professional training and inclusion in the labor market (Pernambuco, 2020a).
The promotion of public policies intensified at the end of 2019 due to the identification of the spontaneous and emergent demand of Venezuelan migrants and refugees from the Warao ethnicity, who were present on the streets of Recife in situations of social vulnerability. These migrants relocated to other cities in the state such as Caruaru, Jaboatão dos Guararapes, Garanhuns, and Surubim, and the processes of change have been monitored along with FUNAI NE and the Social Assistance Secretariats of each municipality (Pernambuco, 2020b).
The profiles of Venezuelans assisted by the State Government’s policies show that most refugees have basic education or technical courses. Generally, their occupations or professions included: general services, construction workers or helpers, waiters, mechanics, drivers, stock clerks, oil and gas technicians, bakers, cooks, nurses, teachers, lawyers, and civil and telecommunications engineers (Pernambuco, 2020a).
The latest data from the State Government regarding employability indicates that between 2018 and 2019, 30% of Venezuelan refugees managed to enter the labor market (Pernambuco, 2020a). Local labor agencies, through the Secretariat of Labor, Employment, and Qualification (SETEQ), informed via phone contact that there is no specific policy for hiring refugees, nor is there any distinction in the registration of candidates during the selection process.
The Recife City Hall, through Rosângela Fontes (Manager of Basic Social Protection) and Andrea Pedrosa (Social Worker of the Integral Family Protection and Service - PAIF Migration Team), in response to an email interview conducted on August 31, 2020, reinforced that the refugee dynamic in the state is particularly new in the city, and that the Basic Social Protection Service of Social Assistance coordinated the participation of sectoral policies to address different demands.
These articulations allowed for the reception in 2018 of 102 urban Venezuelan refugees; and in 2019, 23 urban Venezuelan refugees and 112 from the Warao ethnicity, totaling 237 refugees during this period. Through the Basic Social Protection Service, 205 individuals were directly assisted, with 67 (32.6%) adults and 25 (12.2%) children and adolescents of urban origin; and 61 (29.7%) children and adolescents, 47 (23.0%) adults, and 5 (2.5%) elderly from the Warao ethnicity (Recife, 2020).
For the inclusion of refugees in the labor market, the city hall, along with the Municipal Labor Agency, carried out registration actions in the institution's database, including approximately 60 registrations in the public labor system. Of these, five managed to secure a job facilitated by the Municipality's Access to the World of Work Program (ACESSUAS) (Recife, 2020). This program was developed by the National Social Assistance Council (CNAS) and aims for the autonomy of all families (not only refugees) using Social Assistance policies through labor integration (Brazil, 2020b).
Other policies for integration have been developed through collaborations with municipal service networks and other institutions, strengthening a refugee reception policy in the city and promoting other fundamental rights (Recife, 2020). Refugees welcomed by Cáritas in Recife receive help from the State Government, Recife City Hall, and other local institutions (Cáritas, 2020a). According to Davi Ramirez (Social Educator) from Cáritas, in response to an email interview conducted on November 6, 2020, the institution began activities to welcome refugees in 2018, with the PANA Cáritas Brasileira Program, which aims to promote and replicate Recife’s experience by defending rights through the sensitization of civil society and the authorities responsible for public policy development (Cáritas, 2020a).
Regarding labor market insertion, the project "Rede de Amor e Solidariedade (RAFA)" promotes voluntary actions from Brazilian civil society in the search for the labor insertion of refugees by creating a talent database of Venezuelans. The objective is labor inclusion and the search for partners and companies that make hires, encouraging the social and humanitarian aspect in Pernambuco (Cáritas, 2020a).
Another notable project is Creciendo, which follows up on refugees for professional training. Based on the Solidarity Economy, characterized by collaborative relations, refugees can buy and sell products among themselves. The aim is to implement revolving funds that contribute to self-sufficiency (Cáritas, 2020a). Additionally, on November 19, 2020, the Creciendo Platform was launched, aimed at promoting and enabling the work of Venezuelan artisans and entrepreneurs.
It is worth mentioning the Casa dos Direitos, inaugurated on December 10, 2018, by the Humanitas UNICAP Institute (IHU) and Cáritas. It is a space for supporting refugees, providing reception, legal and psychosocial services, and professional training. The goal is to foster opportunities for refugees to access the labor market, encouraging productive inclusion. In 2018, the institution assisted 37 families, consisting of 50 men and 52 women, with 7 (6.9%) people under the age of 1, 11 (10.8%) between 2 and 6 years old, 7 (6.9%) between 7 and 12 years old, 9 (8.8%) between 13 and 17 years old, 66 (64.7%) between 18 and 59 years old, and 2 (1.9%) people over 60 years old (Cáritas, 2020b).
In terms of employability, 17 individuals were working informally as street vendors, housekeepers, painters, bricklayers, elderly caregivers, PWDs, kitchen helpers, and in car washes, while 16 found formal employment in the construction industry, as domestic workers, mechanics, in retail, and as kitchen helpers. In 2019, the institution welcomed 31 more families with 80 people, totaling 182 people assisted since its opening (Cáritas, 2020b).
Specific training programs have also been offered by the institution through UNICAP, including: Brazilian Legislation and International Law, Portuguese Language, Industrial Design, Communication, and Mobilization. Additionally, they have partnerships with other organizations such as CIEE-PE, which provide professional courses aimed at integrating individuals in situations of social vulnerability. In 2019, 9 Venezuelans completed the training cycle, later expanded to assist 102 more people (Ciee-PE, 2019; Cáritas, 2020b).
In Igarassu, the institution Aldeias Infantis SOS has been operating in the region since 2006, starting its activities within the local community and later in its own condominium on land donated by the city hall. Data from Pernambuco (2020b) indicates that 158 Venezuelans were redirected to the institution between 2018 and 2019. The activities cover protection and support in education, health, family, and human rights (Aldeias, 2020a).
As part of the reception and labor market integration process, refugees receive institutional support through donations and local partnerships. First, within the institution itself, where they are assisted and prepared for the labor market through professional qualification; and in the second phase, when already employed, the process of transitioning to self-sufficiency begins, in addition to institutional structures where they can integrate into society with their own or rented housing and other household items and furniture, which are also donated by the community and local businesses (Aldeias, 2020b).
In Carpina, the first 31 refugees arrived on April 19, 2019, and were welcomed by the Ação Missionária para Áreas Inóspitas – AMAI, a Christian missionary leadership organization that develops social work to welcome and protect this vulnerable group. By 2020, a total of 139 refugees had been received by the institution (Amai, 2020a; Pernambuco, 2020b). In a phone interview, Pastor Jonenildo Virgolino, president of AMAI, reported that the organization has been conducting social work in reception and education through the “Proyecto NAI (Niños amigos de los inmigrantes)”. He also informed that AMAI is in the process of physical and administrative relocation to the Pernambuco hinterland, where it operates in the rural areas of the cities of Bodocó and Araripina, which could indicate a greater internal relocation of refugees within the state of Pernambuco (Amai, 2020b).
As seen, the state of Pernambuco has developed public policies aimed at ensuring the protection of Venezuelan refugees. Despite recent challenges, the state has managed to assist, in partnership with non-governmental organizations, businesses, and civil society, the groups of Venezuelans sent by the Operação Acolhida. The right to work is essential for effective local integration, providing a livelihood for individuals and their families.
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
The purpose of this article was to describe how reception policies are being developed for the local integration of refugees into the labor market in Pernambuco. It initially addressed the historical process in International Relations and its developments in Brazil, which allowed for a better understanding of the dynamic process of refugee status and the role of the various actors involved in the topic.
The understanding of who could be considered a refugee has undergone various changes over time and location. Several institutions have contributed to understanding the need for refugee protection. However, it was only after World War II that the refugee became a legal subject, with the creation of UNHCR, the 1951 Convention, and the 1967 Additional Protocol.
These milestones, along with the 1984 Cartagena Declaration, contributed to the creation of the Refugee Law No. 9.474/1997 and the formalization of CONARE in Brazil. As a solution to the refugee issue, it is important to highlight that local integration is crucial in the process of refugees' insertion into the host society. Work is one of the most important means in this process as it allows for their restoration, providing protection, freedom, and autonomy that were previously denied to them.
The state of Pernambuco has received an increasing number of refugees, and local institutions, together with the State Government, have been working to develop actions that mitigate this issue through partnerships with the Union, NGOs, private institutions, and civil society. However, the rates of refugees' integration into the formal labor market in Pernambuco do not reach a large proportion of refugees who entered the state in recent years.
The inclusion of refugees in the labor market is essential for a successful local integration that meets the requirements of international protection. Although professional training courses and other reception policies are offered, action plans and specific policies for integration through work are still under development by the local government.
Finally, the need to broaden the discussion and produce more research of a theoretical-conceptual, methodological, and empirical nature, especially in Pernambuco, is emphasized so that the perceptions and experiences with refugees enrich the understanding of the phenomenon in the country and contribute to policies that increasingly meet the real needs.
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